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CALL STUDENT MOBILITY NATIONAL CALL SANTANDER

and was informed that the call is open 2011-2011 Student Mobility Programme National Santander to spend a semester in any institution of higher education in the country.

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Source: http://www.uabjo.mx/

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I think democracy is that each party intends to its election manifesto its model of pension reform and citizens to debate and vote in the upcoming elections general accordingly. (Cayo Lara, Public , 14/02/2011 )

This certainly would be a very democratic view of the nature of social, political, cultural and economic systems that govern our representative. No point is immaterial, as with (increasingly less) often hear sentences that somehow appeal to that which has been called the "end of history." The idea that in the world, having fought the last battle for hegemony, has been (pre) configured to be monolithic on the model of the West, that is "democratic." The idea, of course highly ethnocentric, not only innocent but is loaded with ideology.

is not my intention to enter both alternatives, which of course there are and there-like focus on the model itself. Suppose that in fact the only possible system, not even the most perfect or less imperfect, but THE SOLE , were indeed the democratic-capitalist (western). Even assuming that such socio-economic alternatives were inherently totalitarian socialism (as well as stupid ridiculous), what is it that could make us assume there is no other horizon than the one we are living and can hardly be envisaged as a reasonable ultimate "general welfare"?

of all, in 'our' horizon promise even be a modest total welfare, much less global, it is generally accepted that such is not possible within the current model. However, it is also accepted that there may be 'modest total welfare' in another model, the socialist, yet is associated with pauperism and any manner inconsistent with a minimally democratic government. Freedom is therefore understood as the boundary imposed by the economy. The individual is free to do within dilated and flexible rules, all sorts of things you crave, their only border money you have. Somehow, individual freedoms become monetized and lose their original political content. Hence there are now regarded as something essential man. Coming misunderstood, are taken as an addition to the democratic system and not an indivisible part thereof. Democracy may well be understood as a competition between different options, depending on the results obtained and a number of variables that need not be related to how well it has been 'ruled', you can substitute other options, usually chosen to be the most likely to win, one that guarantees the 'desired' replacement.

Normally, the time interval for the people involved set out in four years. Before you can, if authorized by the Government, mobilize and express their disagreement in order to 'press' on the decisions taken. And so, therefore, set a fabulous border between rulers and ruled.

Cayo

Lara's proposal that the electoral programs are those that mark such important measures for the life of all citizenship is oriented, of course, to the honesty and transparency in a system designed expressly opaque. Sovereignty, however, is well written, emanates 'bottom' of the people. This leads to the following: "We are therefore faced a parliamentary democracy can be said? The first is obvious that such is the latter, it seems more than doubtful. But then what would be a democracy? In recent years convinced skeptics have strengthened their positions, with the latest developments, many people are shaken the pillars on which his conviction settled to live in a pluralistic and (with the normal faults that I supposed) representative.

A decision like that has affected pensions or the latest labor reform would never be approved by the people, to which he had to convince, and largely has convinced himself-that measures Although such "are not like anyone" if they are "necessary." The arguments are fetched, they twist and become ubiquitous, to show everyone the reason for its urgency, and, thus, becomes malleable public opinion. All this game of manipulation and is unpopular in whom they were pleased about the divine and human, whose highest concentration of capital makes them free from the 'free'. And so they, at that time who control the media (directly or indirectly) fund the influencing political conglomerates, with these and other maneuvers, the laws in force in order to mold them to their particular interests. By pure definition, they oppose the so-called "general".

A political regime even minimally permeable to the influence of such groups (publicly known as "pressure" or "lobbies ) in making government decisions would be called, rather, the "minority regime ', ie' oligarchy."

This is how capitalism and democracy to become antithetical concepts effectively. A man is not more free by having a greater accumulation of capital but not be subject to the needs resulting from the lack thereof. Similarly, this accumulation contracts necessarily the accentuation of inequality, dependency linkages (relations of exploitation) are subjected to controlled individuals.

It follows then that democracy and socialism become symmetric concepts, harmonious. Only through the cancellation of the forms of exploitation is possible to imagine a truly representative "democratic" in which individuals are effectively free and in which all viewpoints are represented without the potential alienation intrinsic to the contradictions between the media and production relations of capitalist exploitation system.

Cayo That proposal may seem utopian Lara, almost satirical given the level of 'democracy' that is handled in our society today, it takes a stroke of eloquence. But in this part of the world where it seems that nothing can happen because it's all over, may be brewing great processes of change. Or maybe not, as not to overlook the fact that the most common story is the lack of events that the crystallization process, but one thing is for sure, they have always been accompanied by changes in the critical perception of societies: how to understand and perceive the relationships that surround them and suffering, and their questioning of what is right and wrong.

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The philosophy of common sense, the 'non-philosophers'

A work like the popular test [referring to The theory of historical materialism. Popular sociology Manual Marxist , N. Bukharin, writing in 1921] , for readers who are not intellectuals by profession, should have started the critical analysis of the philosophy of common sense "philosophy of non-philosophers", ie the worldview uncritically absorbed by various social and cultural environments that develops the moral individuality of the average man. Common sense is not a unique conception, identical in time and space: the "folklore" of philosophy and, like it, comes in many forms. His fundamental and most characteristic feature is to be a concept (even each individual brain) disjointed, incoherent, inconsistent, according to the social and cultural position of the multitudes of which is the philosophy. When in history as a homogeneous group, is also made against common sense, a consistent philosophy, ie, coherent and systematic.

The popular test is wrong as (implicitly) the assumption that this development of an original philosophy of the people oppose the great systems of traditional philosophies and religion of the higher clergy, that is, the outlook of intellectuals and high culture. In fact, these systems are ignored by the crowd and have no direct effect on his thinking and acting. This does not mean that lack of historical performance, but is the power of another kind. These systems influence the masses as a political force extreme, as a cohesive force of the ruling classes, ie as an element of subordination to foreign hegemony, which limits negative original thinking of the masses without affecting the positive transformation as vital ferment intimate what the masses think embryonic and chaotically over the world and life. The main elements of common sense are provided by religions and so the relationship between common sense and religion is much more intimate than the relationship between common sense and philosophical systems of the intellectuals. But we have to make critical distinctions in regard to religion. Every religion, including Catholicism (and especially the Catholic Church for his efforts to stay united "surface" to avoid church split into national and social stratification) is actually a multiplicity of different and often contradictory religions: Catholicism is a of peasants, a Catholicism of the petty bourgeois and workers of the city, a Catholic women and Catholicism intellectuals, motley and incoherent in turn. But common sense does not only influence the most crude and least developed of these various Catholicism, existing, have influenced and are components of the current sense previous religions and Catholicism earlier forms of current popular heretical movements, superstitions science related to the religions of the past, etc. In common sense prevail elements realists, materialists, that is, the immediate product of elementary sensations, which does not contradict, much less with the religious element, but these items are "superstitious", uncritical. It is therefore the danger that offers the popular trial : often uncritical confirms these elements that make common sense to stay still under Ptolemaic, anthropomorphic, anthropocentric, rather than scientific criticism.

Antonio Gramsci, "Introduction" (fragment) in Politics and modern state .